The preface Opitz wrote for this pastoral tragicomedy shows that he did not share the Camerata's views about restoring ancient drama. Far more important to him were the dramatic standards that Renaissance theorists had purportedly derived from antiquity. Opitz explained that he would have preferred to construct his libretto according to such standards but had had to deviate from them in order to satisfy the tastes of his modern audience. In the dedicatory preface to Judith , a heroic opera also adapted from an Italian source, Opitz again compared his work to pseudo-Aristotelian rules and offered excuses for its divergence.
The main excuse this time was that it fulfilled a useful didactic function by reinforcing Christian beliefs and stimulating patriotic feelings. Although Opitz never resolved the conflict between contemporary theatrical demands and so-called ancient dramatic theories, he set important precedents for his contemporaries and for those who followed.
They carried out his verse reforms, continued his investigation of the Germanic past, elaborated on his poetic manual, and experimented with many of the genres he had sanctioned. His ambivalent attitude toward opera did not hinder some of his disciples from trying their hand at it. Like most early seventeenth-century operas, it too was performed during an aristocratic wedding celebration. Such celebrations generally included some form of musical theatrical extravaganza, which afforded ample opportunity for praising the lord of the principality, his family, or his visitors, in grand style.
As Italian opera grew more and more fashionable in courtly and patrician circles, a steadily increasing number of German poets and playwrights became involved in operatic productions. While some translated or adapted Italian texts, others wrote original librettos. For many, it was a patriotic matter to vie with the Italians and stem the tide of their influence.
Opposing current tendencies to ape other countries and produce Alamode works, these writers strove to renew ancient Germanic virtues by cultivating their own language and the indigenous forms that mirrored such virtues.
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Songs, ballads, and various kinds of musical accompaniment had long been popular in German moralities, Shrove Tuesday shows, farces, and plays. Jakob Ayrer , the Nuremberg dramatist who took as his model the low interpretation of English Renaissance drama provided by the englische Komodianten, wrote several plays based on folksong tunes and called them singets spiele. Some seventeenth-century librettists disavowed such popular traditions as too coarse and naturalistic.
Nevertheless the newly imported operatic form gradually merged with them and, in so doing, satisfied contemporary demands for contrast, pageantry, suspense, excitement, and colorful spectacle. By mid-seventeenth century, despite the Thirty Years' War, German operatic forms and their Italian counterparts had become so successful that they began receiving more and more critical recognition.
It was a time of active inquiry and debate, for the recently founded literary societies Sprachgesellschaften labored to reconcile Germany's artistic practices, traditions, and needs with the ideas of ancient theorists, Renaissance scholars, and contemporary English writers. The membership of such societies, which often included musicians as well as poets, theorists, and critics, studied the German language, applied the Opitzian metrical reforms, discussed the significance of the so-called ancient rules, and analyzed the various poetic genres.
Because of their high estimation of music, they were particularly concerned with the lied and the operatic form. Though frequently mentioning the intentions of the Florentine Camerata, they affirmed those tendencies to fuse word, action, spectacle, and music that were already latent in German theater.
Many of them thought opera surpassed ancient drama in its manner of portraying actions.
Imitating them or observing the unities could not, he contended, be of any importance when the primary aim was effectiveness in modern living theater. It survived even into the nineteenth century. It did so, however, less on its scientific merits than because it was part of a larger nationalistic polemic. Droixhe for linguistic follies de grandeur in general, Poliakov With such a persistent and ebullient Flemish claim, it can hardly be surprising that there should be a Swedish candidacy as well.
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In , Georg Stiernhielm wrote his De linguarum origine praefatio. In , his fellow countryman, Andreas Kempe , wrote Die Sprachen des Paradises ; this included a scene in which God and Adam conversed with one another, God speaking in Swedish while Adam spoke in Danish; while they were talking, however, Eve was busy being seduced by a French-speaking serpent cf.
Borst III, 1, ; Olender , Olaus Rudbeck , in his Atlantica sive Mannheim vera Japheti posterorum sedes ac patria of , demonstrated that Sweden was the home of Japheth and his line, and that from this racial and linguistic stock all the Gothic idioms were born. Rudbeck identified Sweden, in fact, as the mythical Atlantis, describing it as the ideal land, the land of the Hesperides, from which civilization had spread to the entire world. This was an argument that Isidore himself had already used.
Vico was later to comment acidly on all such claims Scienza nuova seconda , II, 2. By way of sample then: because in the returned barbarian times Scandinavia by the conceit of the nations was called vagina gentium and was believed to be the mother of all other nations of the world, therefore by the conceit of the scholars Johannes and Olaus Magnus were of the opinion that their Goths had preserved them from the beginning of the world the letters divinely inspired by Adam. This dream was laughed at by all the scholars, but this did not keep Johannes van Gorp from following suit and going one better by claiming his own Dutch language, which is not much different from Saxon, has come down from the Earthly Paradise and is the mother of all other languages.
And yet this conceit swelled to bursting point in the Atlantica of Olaus Rudbeck , who will have it that the Greek letters came from the runes; that the Phoenician letters, to which Cadmus gave the order and values those of the Hebrew, were inverted runes; and that the Greeks finally straightened them here and rounded them there by rule and compass. And because the inventor is Merkurssman among the Scandinavians, he will have it that the Mercury who invented letters for the Egyptians was a Goth.
Stuttgart: Metzler, Schweitzer Simplicissimus: A Survey of the Editions T in Simplicissmus brought about the desire to make the novel available to the contemporary reader. It contained only the first five books and offered a rather altered text, which is discussed in more detail below. A number of scholars took issue with the edition and, as a consequence of their research, were able to establish the real name of the author. In , Hans Heinrich Borcherdt brought out an annotated edition of the so-called Simplician works, that is, Simplicissimus Teutsch here he used the first edition , Courasche, Springinsfeld, and Das wunderbarliche Vogelnest I and II, but he also included two texts not written by Grimmelshausen.
Jan Hendrik Scholte, who specialized in research on Grimmelshausen, edited the most important works for the series Neudrucke Deutscher Literaturwerke between and Since Scholte maintained that the end of Book V of Simplicissimus formed the true conclusion of the novel, he printed the Continuatio separately. Also, each decision as to how to read a certain word or passage was re-examined for this edition.
In Tarot published, again in the Neudrucke series, a revised edition of Simplicissimus. That edition is referred to as E. It contains only the first five books, not the Continuatio. Its success made Felssecker rush into print another edition, which shows a number of new errors; 2 this new edition is referred to as E. However, it includes the Continuatio, which was also printed separately, but at the same time, so that the 1 owners of the original edition, the E , could also purchase it.
The first printing of the Continuatio is normally referred to as Co. It 3a is referred to as E. The result was a carefully edited text that did away with some of the dialect phrases of the original, revised certain grammatical forms, clarified some of the obscure passages, and standardized the orthography. Also, for the first time, the chapter summaries were moved to the beginning of each chapter.
In the original, they were placed at the beginning of each book. The edition follows E as to the 4 placement of the chapter summaries. In Felssecker came out with a major revision of the text of 5 Simplicissimus, thus creating the edition known as E. In addition to the 1 5 famous frontispiece found in E and subsequent editions, E has a plate showing the four members of the Simplicissimus family Simplicius himself is depicted twice, once as a boy and once as an adult.
There are also twenty illustrations with rhymed verses at the bottom that explain 5 the meaning of the picture above. Still, the printing incorporates many of the phrasings and other aspects of that unauthorized edition! Two examples will suffice to show the kinds of changes involved. The text of the novel itself was expanded by three longer passages and many short additions.
Some add to the characterization without offering new information as at the end of the second chapter of the first book. Breuer, Other passages tend to explain further a given situation. Breuer, 6 In the same year , the edition was reissued; it is known as E. It 5 shows a few additional misprints, but is otherwise identical with E. In a series of studies Manfred Koschlig tried to show that Grimmelshausen 5 had a falling out with Felssecker before the issuing of E.
Two pieces of evidence disprove such a hypothesis. The other piece of evidence is found in a letter Quirin Moscherosch wrote to Sigmund von Birken, a letter Birken received on 27 January , recte Es hat der beruffene Simplicissimus sonsten mein Nachbar, u. These editions are 1 2 3 referred to as C , C , and C. They present a Simplicissimus text with many additions in both prose and in verse that emphasize the moral message of the novel. It is obvious that such didactic moralizing is so heavy handed as to destroy the artistic integrity of the text.
Subsequent known editors Christian Jacob Wagenseil and Christian Ludwig Haken as well as an anonymous editor all point to Lessing as having encouraged the reissue of Simplicissimus.
Even more additions can be found in the three last printings done by Felssecker. Beginning with the edition, however, all adaptations of Simplicissimus have an abridged version of the text. The main goal was to make the novel readable. Thus the title of one edition mentioned above reads Der im vorigen Jahrhundert so weltberufene Simplizius v. Einfaltspinsel, in einem neuen Kleide nach den [sic] Schnitt des Jahres While the late Felssecker texts had added moral advice, such advice and the passages with enumerative display of learning were all omitted in these later editions.
In the process, new words and phrases were introduced. A detailed study by Lieselotte E. Kurth-Voigt of the Simplicissimus adaptations published prior to the Haken edition appeared in That period with its many horrors seemed to Haken to parallel his own time.
With each of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century editions, we find there is more understanding for the author and his involvement in the story as well as more respect for the text. Both give a careful account of the various 1 editions known to them and both make the first edition, i. In addition, they both assume that the author hides his name behind various anagrams. Neither he nor Haken is especially interested in the religious aspects of Simplicissimus.
On a wider scale, that fame was also enhanced by more than adaptations. Most of them were of Simplicissimus, some were of Courage, and a few were of Springinsfeld. They appeared in the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. All of them shorten the text, at times reducing it to a bare minimum, but their purposes vary greatly. As in the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth century editions, the twentieth century text is changed so as to make it accessible to the contemporary reader.
While orthography and interpunctuation are modernized, stylistic changes are generally made only in those cases where it seemed absolutely necessary. These are also found in many of the other adaptations. They come either from the Baroque editions or older prints or were commissioned by the publisher. The many school editions omit, of course, the various passages universally found unsuitable for the young. Also mentioned are the echoes the novel has had in recent times. The text is that of the first edition, thus excluding the Continuatio. Orthography and punctuation are modernized and the novel is reduced to forty-seven chapters that take up pages.
The famous frontispiece is not reproduced. There are summaries of what has been left out, for example, the extreme cruelties committed by soldiers and peasants in Book I. Haberkamm also omits the scene in which Simplicissimus witnesses the sexual encounter in the goose pen, his amorous conquests in Lippstadt, and his being a male stud in Paris.
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